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LOCAL CASE STUDY- SLAM

 

What happened?

 

Save Live Australia’s Music (SLAM) formed in 2010 after the Victorian government implemented new liquor licensing legislation that required live music venues that serve alcohol to hire security staff (SLAM n.d.). The government’s regulations incorrectly associated live music and alcohol-related violence (Brandle 2010).

 

This impulsive government decision made in 2009 classified many Melbourne music venues as ‘high risk’ and required them to undergo the costly process of hiring extra and unnecessary staff (Brandle 2010). These unwarranted demands prompted the closure of the iconic cultural institution of The Tote Hotel and threatened many others, such as the Northcote Social Club and the Corner Hotel, due to the increased financial strains. SLAM co-founder Helen Marcou noted that ‘126 venues had either reduced their live music program or cancelled it altogether within a six month period’ due to these regulations (personal communication, 15 May 2014). The venues affected did not have a history of violence, but disputing the laws through the Victorian Civil and Administrative Tribunal was a costly process that pushed venue licensees, like Bruce Milne of The Tote Hotel, into further debt (Murfett 2010). The closure of this venue infuriated passionate local musicians and live music fans, and exhibited an ‘astonishing ignorance of cultural activities…[and the] government’s inability to focus upon the CBD’s real sites of alcohol-related violence...’ (Homan 2011, p. 104).

 

There was no evidence supporting the suggestion that music gigs were causing the spike in alcohol related-violence in Melbourne. As Homan outlines; ‘no evidence had been presented that music venues were the central public order problem. Indeed, the Department of Justice’s "Liquor Control Reform Regulations: Regulatory Impact Statement" of 2009 stated that insufficient data prevented any firm, evidence-based conclusions about live music as a risk factor…’ (2011, p. 102). Many of the smaller venues impacted by these regulations were forced to cease offering live music and to start providing other forms of leisure that would generate easier revenue.

SLAM’s online campaign called for support against the ‘high-risk’ licensee regulations, and on the 23rd of February in 2010 an estimated 20,000 people rallied in the streets of the Melbourne CBD (SLAM n.d.). This lead ‘…to the Live Music Agreement which officially acknowledged that live music does not contribute to violence’ (SLAM n.d.). The enthusiasm exhibited through the rally showcased the importance of the live music scene to the city, recognised as Australia’s music capital (Persecution Blues: The Battle for The Tote 2011). Live music was then identified ‘in the Objects of the Victorian Liquor Licensing Act’ (SLAM n.d) when a law was passed in favour of protecting live music in 2011. SLAM remains a respected and powerful activist action group who continue to fight to save live music across Australia. It is also run entirely by volunteers with no government funding. This independent group have accomplished tangible offline change in three individual states and also nationally.

How did this campaign function as an online movement? What tools were used?

 

Helen Marcou and Quincy McLean established SLAM and the campaign against the liquor licensing legislation with the use of online tools with help and support from industry professionals, live music fans and organisations.

 

After the closure of The Tote Hotel, SLAM developed a professional, highly detailed and comprehensive website overnight that included the testimonials of a range of differnt musicians, from Nick Cave to Tina Arena. These individuals were able to attract the attentions of their own fan base to the issue. Marcou remarked that live music interests an expansive array of crowds, so when the varied musicians appealed to their followers they significantly contributed to the campaign's number of supporters (personal communication, 15 May 2014).

 


A Facebook event was established and a continual online dialogue took up a large portion of time, but this did benefit the campaign through raising more awareness. Marcou acknowledges that certain rules were adhered to when using social media to maintain supporters’ interest (personal communication, 15 May 2014).

Did the campaign succeed? How? Why?

 

The online tools were considered extremely useful in helping enact social and legislative change as well as establish a political music movement in Australia. Marcou acknowledges that SLAM’s success could be attributed to the facts that they were equipped with three of the best publicists in Australia; it had no association with the government (which gave them credibility); and that it was an election year, so the Victorian government were ready to listen to the public and high profile ambassadors including Paul Kelly (personal communication, 15 May 2014). There was an assortment of celebrity speakers on the steps of parliament house, which helped attract media attention as well as supporters, and helped to personalise the issue of closing live music venues. SLAM also utilised their contacts in community radio and other organisations of the music community, including APRA.

 

There is a tremendous passion and commitment in the Melbourne live music community due to the cultural, social and economic benefits provided by live music (Watson & Forrest 2012). The typically competitive music scene saw disparate groups of individuals coming together, merging ‘…different sectors of the local industry’ (Homan 2011, p. 102). Helen Marcou and Quincy Jones were responsible for galvanising this group of people to save live Australia’s music. Marcou comments that the industry professionals who donated their time had the interests of live music at heart (personal communication, 15 May 2014).

It was a charismatic campaign that resonated with the community. They provided the government with legislative solutions whilst they were also putting them under pressure. As Marcou acknowledges, it would have been naïve to assume that the government would write the policy for them (personal communication, 15 May 2014).

 

Marcou recognises the ‘three prong attack’ which involved a strong media strategy, a website and respectable spokespeople who were able to approach various media outlets, ranging from Triple J (who also hosted a month long campaign surrounding the cause), to Triple M and 3AW. SLAM were also able to saturate mainstream media thanks to the the three professional publicists involved, who's established names were considered trusted and reliable by their significant contact lists. 

 

SLAM used different strategies to engage the public, one of which included the six different media industry spokespeople. These charismatic ambassadors included Dan Sultan, Paul Kelly, Clare Bowditch & Tim Rogers. Having this number of spokespeaople for the one campaign would usually be considered a concern, as trying to keep everyone on topic can be quite difficult. However, having a number of musicians representing a variety of genres worked in SLAMs favour.  Marcou recognises that it would not have been successful without these ambassadors (personal communication, 15 May 2014).


The posts that garnered the most attention on social media were ones that built on emotion, as they engaged the community. It was the dry political updates that did not receive much interest.

Successful event planners Supple Fox organised the rally and Marcou mentions how they quickly organised the printing of banners, five-hundred t-shirts, thousands of badges and stickers (personal communication, 15 May 2014). They are also highly experienced when it comes to music events, so they knew including bands, such as the Rockwiz orchestra, would make the rally as entertaining and engaging as possible. 

 

 

 

Marcou admits that they were initially expecting 2,000 people to attend the rally after the event was created, however this soon expanded to 10,000 attendees. After meeting with government officials regarding the rally, the officials quickly became concerned with the overwhelming response that continued to grow.


The campaign was easy, interesting and accessible for supporters. SLAM were able to collect nearly 22,000 signatures for their petition in just a few weeks, a significant feat as digital petitions were not accepted by the government at that time. The petition was tabled in parliament on April 13th 2010 and after seven months of negotiating the live music agreement ensued (Pennicuik 2012).

Since the rally in 2010, SLAM has changed liquor licensing laws in South Australia, established the federal office of live music and assisted with the organisation of live music strategies in many municipalities (SLAM n.d.). SLAM now recruit organisers from other states, helping these people to work on issues in their own area.

 

SLAM has proven to be a long-term commitment for the organisers which continues to involve managing the social media site, attending meetings and responding to the public’s queries about the live music industry. These processes have proven the notion of activist fatigue for Marcou (personal communication, 15 May 2014). Marcou acknowledges the community’s high expectations for them them to solve individual issues and the exhausting consequence of being harshly criticised if you do not do so (personal communication, 15 May 2014). She mentions the importance of informing the public that SLAM is run by volunteers. By doing so they are able to avoid the expection that they are able do everything on their own, and it also puts pressure on others to get involved. SLAM also ensure they mention that the group is run purely on crowd funding which helps to maintain their integrity and independence. They make clear that their goal is not to help individual cases, but to help the music industry as a whole, which encourages others to form their own community groups.

 

What tools were used?

 

SLAM used a variety of tools to raise awareness during their 2010 campaign. They developed a website, a Facebook event for the rally and they shared relevant news articles on both their Facebook and Twitter profiles, in order to keep their followers educated. The music industry professionals involved emailed press releases to useful contacts and popular musicians. These individuals then spread the message to their fans and followers through their personal online profiles and sites. Marcou comments that Twitter has continued to be useful for SLAM, with 4,000 significant and influential followers, and therefore the government watches their twitter feed closely to keep up to date on industry issues (personal communication, 15 May 2014).

What did we learn?

 

It is highly beneficial when skillful contacts are able to assist in building the campaign strategy. Another key influence was the use of highly influential ambassadors to develop knowledge of the campaign through their personal fanbase. It is essential to acknowledge that the group is built of volunteers to ensure that supporters’ expectations are not unrealistic and to also encourage others to donate or get involved in another capacity.

Was social media an instigator or just a tool for change? Were there underlying issues present before the online campaign began? What lead this to move online?

 

Social media was a tool that assisted in raising awareness of the issue that impacted a large number of Victorians involved in the live music scene. The issues were present prior to SLAM’s establishment. The online tools became a way of rapidly sharing information and keeping supporters updated and interested in staying involved.

Website created by Imogen Tyers, Melissa Sugarman, Stevey-Lee Ginger & Christine Butcher 2014.

This website is an educational project and all included quotations and images are for education purpose, criticism or review.

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